The government led by Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli faces a vote of no-confidence after the CPN (Maoist Centre) withdrew its support from the ruling coalition and joined hands with the main opposition, the Nepali Congress (NC). Sarin Ghimire and Apekshya Shah Rana spoke to Bimalendra Nidhi, a key Congress interlocutor between the Nepali Congress and the Maoist Centre that will lead the new government. Nidhi, a close aide of  NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba, explained the need for a change in guard, the deal forged between the NC and the CPN (Maoist Centre), the prospects of local, provincial and federal polls, and party politics within the NC.

Why was it necessary to replace the Oli government?

After the promulgation of the constitution, our only priority was to implement it. But our main challenge is to make it acceptable to all. From the outset, there were disgruntled voices about federal delineation, citizenship, and the number of seats in the House. We thought we would address these concerns by gradually amending the constitution.

But Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli failed to realise that even though these issues are mostly being raised by the Madhesis and Janajatis, they are national issues as they are directly related to the constitution’s implementation. His uninformed remarks that the Madhesis did not have any concrete demands made us feel the government was not serious about their concerns. Nor did he show a positive mindset towards federalism, republicanism and inclusion.

The NC and Maoists have had fundamental differences over major political issues during the peace process that started after the 2006 movement. What makes you think the coalition will work better now?

In principle, the NC and the CPN (Maoist Centre) share common concerns; even our political agendas match. The NC has repeatedly raised the issues of the Madhes. We have to hold three elections—local, provincial and federal—within the next 18 months. In terms of the peace process, the NC and the Maoists were the original partners; both want to conclude the process with a mindset of reconciliation.

The Oli government has also failed dismally in providing succour to earthquake victims. More than 15 months after the devastating quake, hundreds of thousands of people are still languishing in makeshift shelters. The government has also been absolutely irresponsible about black marketeering and runaway inflation.

How did the NC-Maoist deal happen?

Our party president [Deuba] and Maoist Centre Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal had been talking about the Oli-led government’s lacklustre performance for the past few months. In May, Dahal had asked for our support to form a new government under his leadership and we had agreed. But the Maoist chairman made a volte-face within 24 hours citing his inability to garner enough support within his party.

Last month, our party president welcomed Dahal for talks despite our scepticism. It was under Dahal’s initiative that the idea of a change of guard was once again mooted.  We asked Dahal to first officially withdraw his support to the UML-led government before making any deal with us. He assured us that he would not have second thoughts this time. Dahal and Deuba gave Krishna Bahadur Mahara and me the responsibility of working out an agreement on power sharing. Once we made a verbal pact, we brought in Ramesh Lekhak and Barshaman Pun to hammer out the nitty-gritty of the deal.

There are reports that some NC leaders are unhappy about the deal. To what extent are they true?

Such reports are not accurate. No one in the NC had problems with the seven-point deal and the verbal agreement with the Maoist Centre; they were unanimously endorsed by our central committee members. It is true, however, that once the deal was passed, some friends were upset about the fact that none of the senior leaders were kept in the loop while the deal was being worked out. President Deuba clarified his position that the deal had to be made discreetly, as it could have been jeopardised had it been exposed. We were also aware of the criticism we had to face when the deal was broken by Dahal last time. I had informed Ram Chandra Poudel (a senior NC leader) about the developments beforehand. In fact, our party president set a new precedent by passing the agreement through our central committee.

How does the new government plan to hold the three elections? Do you think it is possible to conduct local polls by December?

We have to address some very sensitive issues to institutionalise the historic achievement of promulgating the constitution of a federal democratic republic Nepal. First, we will have to forge consensus to formulate laws necessary to hold local polls. Before that we will do whatever it takes to reach an agreement—whether on delineating state boundaries or amending the statute—with the Madhesi forces in order to give a sense of ownership of the constitution to a broader population. Meanwhile, the local body restructuring commission needs to determine the number and borders of village and municipal councils according to the new statute. It has until March to submit its report. While we will push the commission to submit its report as soon as possible, we will caution it against making hasty decisions. We are fully committed to holding all three elections, and we urge all the political forces to support this cause.

Can you offer more details about your deal with the Maoists?

According to our agreement with the Maoists, they will lead the government for about nine months and hold local polls, while a government under the NC will conduct provincial and federal elections in the following nine months. We are tentatively looking to hold local polls by March/April 2017. It is a crucial matter since local polls are related to provincial polls and House elections. What we should not forget is that the current Parliament has about 18 months before it dissolves automatically.

Human rights activists and conflict-era victims have concerns about the transitional justice process. How will the next government facilitate the process?

The Maoists were quite concerned about the ruling UML’s vindictive attitude towards insurgency-era cases. The UML hardly had any stakes when we signed the Comprehensive Peace Accord in 2006 with the Maoists. The NC was the one that successfully got the Maoists to give up violence and brought them within the democratic framework. The peace process was signed with the fundamental spirit of reconciliation and not with an attitude of vengeance, which could disrupt the process or even lead to violence again. The two parties have reached a tentative agreement to follow the principles of justice but not at the cost of future violence. This does not mean we will provide amnesty to serious offenders, but we will work with a spirit of reconciliation; we are ready to amend necessary laws for it.

We cannot derail the peace process for the sake of a few cases. Those that have already reached the courts will also be handled according to prevalent norms but with a spirit that is acceptable to all. An eye for an eye will not deliver justice. The whole transitional justice process is guided by reconciliation.

It is possible that the change in government will have an impact on the recent nominations made by the government?

Regarding the hearings and nominations of justices and ambassadors, I cannot say what the Parliamentary Hearing Special Committee will do. But to continue with their hearings is not justified since the government itself is already in minority and facing a vote of no-confidence. Regardless, the committee has the right to reject nominations with a two-thirds majority since it is a parliamentary body. It can also return or hold its hearings if it thinks it requires more information, clarification or time to continue with the process. In March, the House Speaker had sent back the list of justices, which itself signaled the controversy surrounding the issue. Last week, the NC and the Maoists had urged the government to refrain from taking decisions on issues of national importance and those that could potentially have a long-term impact on governance. It is obvious that any nomination made by a caretaker government would have an impact on a government under a new leadership.

Finally, there are speculations, and Prime Minister Oli has insisted as much, that external forces have had a hand in the recent move to change government. How far are they true?

The media have claimed that India is helping us, and China, on the other hand, is doing what it takes to save the UML-Maoist coalition. That is absolutely false. The NC has cordial relations with both our neighbours. It was the late BP Koirala who first initiated the process of establishing bilateral ties with the Chinese in 1960. It is also the duty of any government to continue the positive work of the previous government. We will respect all the deals made with China, as we also acknowledge their need.

It is the UML that is always reluctant to honour the agreements made by past governments. 

[Editor's note: Nepal-China diplomatic relations were established in 1955.]