Majoritarian governments were often thought of as being characterised by the tyranny of the numbers. Once a country adopts a policy of inclusion, only those unwilling to participate in the political process are excluded; a system of inclusion is perhaps free from the allegation of being authoritarian.

Politics is seldom free from totalitarianism, which is often subtly built into the political system. For non-political purposes, the term tyranny is equated with cruel and unfair treatment by the political parties throughout this article.

Never elsewhere

When out of power, the leader of Rastriya Prajatantra Party Nepal (RPP-N) Kamal Thapa preferred to brand the actions of the big three political parties as those of a syndicate, but when in power, he collaborated with the very syndicate for the greater cause of the nation. Thapa is a skilled political actor and knows very well how to navigate his fleet during turbulence.

The chairperson of the Rastriya Jana Morcha Chitra Bahdur KC, who used to command high respect among the general public before teaming up with the Oli government, persistently fought against federalism. Still, he considered his incarnation as one-among-six Deputy Prime Ministers in the previous government a part of the political process. Perhaps he and his party lost more than they gained by taking a low-profile ministerial portfolio in the short-lived Oli government.

The Madhesh-based parties—excluding the Bijay Kumar Gachhadar-led Madhesi Janadhikar Forum Loktantrik—are struggling to redeem their credibility lost during the promulgation of the constitution. They seem to be changing their posture with the change in government, and expect that the new government will salvage their standing. Gachhadar is perhaps the most “safe-seated” politician ever to appear in the Nepali political arena. The Rastriya Prajatatra Party shares almost a similar political sentiment as Gachhadar’s.

The fringe political parties have taken maximum advantage of an electoral process without an election threshold. Never elsewhere in the world are parties or independents with less than 1 percent of the popular support given an opportunity to assume a ministerial portfolio.

The big parties

The brand of the Maoist party has metamorphosed three times with three names within two decades, now with a new trademark of CPN Maoist Centre, which is still shaky with more than 2,000 central committee members. It is still lost in the mess of the party stabilisation process. The party considers the political achievements of federalism, inclusion, republicanism and so on as its agenda, but never realises that the agenda has already been seized by others and now belongs to many. The party is yet to free itself from monocracy.

The CPN-UML has moved past the phase of ideological debate in the party after adopting multiparty democracy as its guiding political ideology. The party seems to be going through intense psychological warfare with many strong-willed political leaders in it. It played a sturdy role in the drafting of the constitutionb but the nation is still paying the price. The party claims that being in the government is its birthright. Although it achieved a very high national profile within the last 26 years, it is yet to learn the skills to articulate national interests, as it is too inward-looking and unwilling to acknowledge the contribution of others.

The Nepali Congress is often forgetful of its identity both inside and outside the country, expecting ‘someone’ to remind it that it is the Nepali version of the Republican Party in the US, also known as the Grand Old Party. The NC can take risk at a time when the nation calls for it. BP Koirala was a great conciliatory leader in the country and the monarchy took maximum advantage of his reconciliation policy. Girija Prasad Koirala took the risk of travelling an extra mile, from which every political party in Nepal is reaping benefits. Despite the party’s huge potential to be different from the rest, it is happy just to play along with the process.

Nepali people are once again made subject to the political parties’ impulse and romanticism with the newly formed coalition of the Maoists and the NC.

The main motto of the political parties has been to assume power and enjoy state benefits. Political leaders are aware that elections of the local level and higher bodies are an entry point to federalism. Political leaders can compromise on ‘soft interests’ and that is essential in politics, but ‘hard interests’ such as federalism and implementation of the constitution cannot be protected with power politics. Whether in government or in opposition, the political parties must facilitate the implementation of the constitution. Let the parties rise above a tyrannical attitude towards the people and the nation.  

Joshi is a nominated Member of Parliament